Language and Aboriginal Culture in Australia
Linguistic Imperialism of English or Language Ecology
©2000
Examensarbeit
118 Seiten
Zusammenfassung
Inhaltsangabe:Abstract:
This paper is about linguistic imperialism and linguistic ecology in respect of the indigenous languages of Australia. The linguistic complexities in Australia are immense, as are the fields of research of linguistic imperialism and linguistic ecology. Neither is the research in the fields mentioned above terminated nor has the development in Australia reached an end. As a result, the paper is only able to provide a snapshot.
The first chapter serves as an introduction. The reader should familiarize her-/ himself with the history and culture of a people, which is unique and distinct from any other civilization. It refers to the initial settlement of the Australian continent, as well as it touches in short specific traits of Aboriginal culture. Answers are provided to questions like, 'What is language?', 'What are the characteristics of Aboriginal languages and Aboriginal English?'
Linguistic imperialism will be discussed in chapter two. From what point on can a relationship between any given subjects be called, in its widest meaning, imperialistic? The chapter refers to Galtung (1980), whose observations are still valid today and gives a historical overview of the rise of the English language from a European Germanic language spoken on the British Islands to a global language, especially focusing on the development in the 19th and 20th century.
Linguistic ecology is a rather new field of research in linguistics. Chapter three reflects on a research orientation which developed in the 1960s and 1970s due to Haugen, who gave the term ecology a linguistic meaning. It tries to show the parallels between biodiversity and cultural/ linguistic diversity and why it has become so important to be aware that not only plants and animals are seriously endangered and need special protection, but also languages. Additionally, other fields of interest of language ecology are introduced in the chapter.
The last chapter deals with the impact European settlement had on indigenous language variety, and the problems contemporary Australian society is confronted with. Australia's language policy will not only be outlined in regard of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander's native tongue, but also in regard of community languages. Which possibilities has the Australian government to deal with the problem and which language maintenance efforts have been called into action so far?
Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of […]
This paper is about linguistic imperialism and linguistic ecology in respect of the indigenous languages of Australia. The linguistic complexities in Australia are immense, as are the fields of research of linguistic imperialism and linguistic ecology. Neither is the research in the fields mentioned above terminated nor has the development in Australia reached an end. As a result, the paper is only able to provide a snapshot.
The first chapter serves as an introduction. The reader should familiarize her-/ himself with the history and culture of a people, which is unique and distinct from any other civilization. It refers to the initial settlement of the Australian continent, as well as it touches in short specific traits of Aboriginal culture. Answers are provided to questions like, 'What is language?', 'What are the characteristics of Aboriginal languages and Aboriginal English?'
Linguistic imperialism will be discussed in chapter two. From what point on can a relationship between any given subjects be called, in its widest meaning, imperialistic? The chapter refers to Galtung (1980), whose observations are still valid today and gives a historical overview of the rise of the English language from a European Germanic language spoken on the British Islands to a global language, especially focusing on the development in the 19th and 20th century.
Linguistic ecology is a rather new field of research in linguistics. Chapter three reflects on a research orientation which developed in the 1960s and 1970s due to Haugen, who gave the term ecology a linguistic meaning. It tries to show the parallels between biodiversity and cultural/ linguistic diversity and why it has become so important to be aware that not only plants and animals are seriously endangered and need special protection, but also languages. Additionally, other fields of interest of language ecology are introduced in the chapter.
The last chapter deals with the impact European settlement had on indigenous language variety, and the problems contemporary Australian society is confronted with. Australia's language policy will not only be outlined in regard of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander's native tongue, but also in regard of community languages. Which possibilities has the Australian government to deal with the problem and which language maintenance efforts have been called into action so far?
Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of […]
Leseprobe
Inhaltsverzeichnis
ID 6045
Röder, Oliver: Language and Aboriginal Culture in Australia - Linguistic Imperialism of
English or Language Ecology
Hamburg: Diplomica GmbH, 2002
Zugl.: Landau, Universität, Staatsexamensarbeit, 2000
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Contents
i
Contents
page
0
Introduction 1
1
Australian
Aborigines
3
1.1
Settlement of the Australian Continent
3
1.2
Aboriginal
Culture
4
1.2.1
Dreamtime
5
1.2.2
Family
7
1.2.3
Death
8
1.3
Language
8
1.3.1
Structural
Similarity
9
1.3.2
Mutual
Intelligibility
9
1.3.3
Standardization
10
1.4
Aboriginal
languages
of
Australia
11
1.4.1
Language
names
14
1.4.2 Relations with languages outside Australia
15
1.4.3
Grammatical
characteristics
15
1.5
Aboriginal
English
18
1.5.1 Structural properties of Aboriginal English
18
1.5.1.1
Grammatical
Features 19
1.5.1.2
Phonological
Features 21
1.5.1.3
Lexical
Features
21
1.5.2 Criteria distinguishing Aboriginal English from Creoles 22
1.5.2.1
Origin
22
1.5.2.2
Targeted
Learning
23
1.5.2.3
Mutual
Intelligibility
23
1.5.2.4
Orthographic
System
23
1.5.2.5
Structure
24
2
Linguistic Imperialism
25
2.1
The
principles
of
imperialism
25
2.1.1
Power
27
2.1.2
Correlations
28
2.1.3
Exertion
29
2.1.3.1
Physical
force
29
2.1.3.2
Psychological
force
30
2.1.4 The Centre Periphery Concept
31
2.1.5
The
Stages
of
Development
32
2.2
Linguistic
Imperialism
32
2.2.1 A definition of linguistic imperialism
32
2.2.2
Mechanisms
of
validation
33
2.2.2.1 Ethnocentricity (Anglocentricity)
34
2.2.2.2
Professionalism
35
Contents
ii
2.2.2.3
Pro-English
arguments 35
2.3
English
Language
Education
37
2.3.1 Colonial educational language policy
37
2.3.2 English Language Education in the early 20
th
Century
39
2.3.3 English Language Teaching Five tenets
40
2.3.3.1 English is best taught monolingually.
41
2.3.3.2 The ideal teacher of English is a native (English)
speaker. 41
2.3.3.3 The earlier English is taught the better are
the
results.
42
2.3.3.4 The more English is taught the better are
the
results.
42
2.3.3.5 If other languages are used much, standards
of
English
will
drop.
43
2.4
English
Language
Promotion
43
2.4.1 Language Promotion in Britain the British Council
44
2.4.2 Language Promotion in the United States
46
2.5
The role of the English language in the present world
48
3
Linguistic
Ecology 50
3.1
Introduction
50
3.2
Ecology
of
language
50
3.2.1 Biological, cultural and linguistic diversity
51
3.2.2 The interdependency of biodiversity, cultural
and
linguistic
diversity 52
3.2.3 An argument for linguistic diversity
55
3.2.3.1 Language and identity
55
3.2.4 Arguments against linguistic diversity
57
3.2.4.1
Cost
and
efficiency
57
3.2.4.2 One nation one state one language?
57
3.2.5
Endangered
Languages
58
3.2.6
Linguistic
Genocide
59
3.2.7 Linguistic Human Rights Historical Overview
60
3.3
Other
fields
of
interest
63
3.3.1
Language
and
Ethology
63
3.3.2
Language
and
Conflict 64
3.3.2.1 Ethnic Conflict in Sociology
64
3.3.2.2 Political Language Conflict
65
3.3.2.3 Glottophagia - a threat to multilingualism
65
3.3.2.4 Solving conflict situations
66
4
Australia Taking a closer look
67
4.1
Language politics of the Australian nation
67
4.1.1 Language politics in regard of `community languages'
67
4.1.2 Language politics in regard to Aboriginal languages
69
4.1.2.1 The early years and the `crunch period'
69
Contents
iii
4.1.2.2 The beginning of recognition and support
70
4.1.2.3 Resurgence in Aboriginal language awareness
and
language
maintenance
71
4.2
The state of language vitality
71
4.3
Factors contributing to language loss
73
4.3.1 Radical reduction in the number of speakers
74
4.3.2
The
`stolen
generation'
74
4.3.3
Patterns
of
resettlement
75
4.3.4
Breakdown
in
isolation
75
4.3.5
Urbanisation
76
4.3.6
Increased
intermarriage
76
4.3.7 Changes in economy and values
76
4.3.8
Media
77
4.3.9
Education
78
4.3.10
Speaker
attitudes
79
4.4
Factors contributing to language survival
79
4.4.1
Language
pride
79
4.4.2 Language as a symbol of identity
80
4.4.3 Geographical and social isolation
80
4.4.4
The
outstation
movement
81
4.4.5
Language
maintenance
programs
81
4.5
Language maintenance programs in Australia
82
4.5.1
Influencing
factors
82
4.5.1.1 State of language health
83
4.5.1.2 Availability of skills and resources
83
4.5.1.3 Community interest and support
84
4.5.2
Language
centres
84
4.5.3
Bilingual
education
85
4.5.4
Aboriginal
language
courses
88
4.5.5
Literacy 89
4.5.6
Oral
history
projects
90
4.5.7 The outstation/ homeland movement
91
4.5.8
Indigenous
tertiary
education 91
4.5.9 Organisations supporting Aboriginal languages
92
4.5.9.1 Australian Institute of Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islanders (AIATSIS)
92
4.5.9.2 Institute for Aboriginal Development (IAD)
92
4.5.9.3 Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL)
93
4.5.9.4 Kimberley Language Resource Centre (KLRC)
93
4.5.9.5 Aboriginal Languages Association (ALA)
93
4.6
Hindrances to language maintenance in Australia
94
4.6.1
Insufficient
funding
94
4.6.2 Problems of bilingual education
96
4.6.3
Staff
turnover
97
4.6.4
Attendance
and
mobility
98
Contents
iv
5
Conclusion
101
6
Bibliography
103
Illustrations
v
Illustrations
Maps
Map 1
Approximate location of Aboriginal languages
12
Tables
Table 1
Personal pronouns in Warunga
17
Table 2
Who has the power and materialistic resources in the world?
26
Table 3
Endemism in language and higher vertebrates
53
Table 4
Bilingual schools in Australia
86
Figures
Figure 1
Idealistic liberal relationship
28
Figure
2 Materialistic
relationship
29
Charts
Chart 1
Vitality of Aboriginal languages
73
Abbreviations
vi
Abbreviations
AIATSIS
Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders
DEETYA
Commonwealth Department of Education, Employment, Training and
Youth Affairs
EDWA
Education Department of Western Australia
EFL
English as a foreign language
ELT
English Language Teaching
ESL
English as a second language
LOTE
Languages other than English
NALP
National Aboriginal Language Program
NTDE
Northern Territory Department of Education
SACE
South Australian Certificate of Education
SAL
School of Australian Linguistics
Introduction
1
0 Introduction
This paper is about linguistic imperialism and linguistic ecology in respect of the
indigenous languages of Australia. The linguistic complexities in Australia are
immense, as are the fields of research of linguistic imperialism and linguistic
ecology. Neither is the research in the fields mentioned above terminated nor has the
development in Australia reached an end. As a result, the paper is only able to
provide a snapshot.
The first chapter serves as an introduction. The reader should familiarize her-/
himself with the history and culture of a people, which is unique and distinct from
any other civilization. It refers to the initial settlement of the Australian continent, as
well as it touches in short specific traits of Aboriginal culture. Answers are provided
to questions like, `What is language?', `What are the characteristics of Aboriginal
languages and Aboriginal English?'
Linguistic imperialism will be discussed in chapter two. From what point on can a
relationship between any given subjects be called, in its widest meaning,
imperialistic? The chapter refers to Galtung (1980), whose observations are still valid
today and gives a historical overview of the rise of the English language from a
European Germanic language spoken on the British Islands to a global language,
especially focusing on the development in the 19
th
and 20
th
century.
Linguistic ecology is a rather new field of research in linguistics. Chapter three
reflects on a research orientation which developed in the 1960s and 1970s due to
Haugen, who gave the term ecology a linguistic meaning. It tries to show the
parallels between biodiversity and cultural/ linguistic diversity and why it has
become so important to be aware that not only plants and animals are seriously
endangered and need special protection, but also languages. Additionally, other fields
of interest of language ecology are introduced in the chapter.
The last chapter deals with the impact European settlement had on indigenous
language variety, and the problems contemporary Australian society is confronted
with. Australia's language policy will not only be outlined in regard of Aboriginal
Introduction
2
and Torres Strait Islander's native tongue, but also in regard of community
languages. Which possibilities has the Australian government to deal with the
problem and which language maintenance efforts have been called into action so far?
Australian Aborigines
3
1 Australian
Aborigines
1.1
Settlement of the Australian Continent
The old ancestors of the Australian natives have, in all probability, entered the
continent from Timor and set foot on the northwest shelf of the Australian continent
between 60,000 and 50,000 years ago. This would have been during the late
Pleistocene. Sea levels were much lower, and the land areas were about 30 percent
bigger than today, i.e. the Aborigines would have needed to cover a distance of about
90 km. These landing sites are now 100 m below sea level, which makes it very
difficult to recover traces of these early coastal settlers. It is widely believed, that
there have been two major waves of immigration. An original one, whose markers
could be observed until recently in the Tasmanian Aborigines
1
, and a second one of a
people at a higher level of culture. With the first wave, the immigrants spread over
the whole continent, including the south-east corner, which at this time presumably
still was a promontorey and not a separate island. Due to continental drifting and
post-glacial rising of the sea levels, this promontorey was split off from the mainland
and Bass Strait was formed about 12,000 years ago, thus separating Australia and the
island of Tasmania. When the second wave of immigrants later reached what
nowadays is called Victoria, their advance was stopped by the sea. Why they did not
cross Bass Strait is not known.
In contrast to the Aborigines living on mainland Australia, the Tasmanian Aborigines
had only the simplest of devices for warfare, etc. Nearly nothing is known of their
customs and beliefs. This being the main reason, why their culture is considered of
being of a lower level.
1
NOTE: Full-blooded Tasmanian Aborigines are now extinct, having succumbed to European diseases
and persecution. The last full-blooded Tasmanian died in 1905, but mixed-blooded
descendants still live.
Australian Aborigines
4
Whether on mainland Australia these two races amalgamated, or whether the first
was extinguished by the newcomers can only be subject to speculation. Spencer and
Gillen (1997, 16) assume that the males were slaughtered and their women being
appropriated by the newcomers, as is often the case when two people of different
levels of culture are confronted with each other.
Australia's other indigenous people are the Torres Strait Islanders, a Melanesian
minority of about 21,000 whose culture is basically Papuan. The international border
between Australia and Papua New Guinea passes through the islands which are an
Australian possession administered by the Queensland Government. Torres Strait
Islanders in the west and central island groups reflect Melanesian origins, while those
in the east show some Polynesian heritage.
1.2 Aboriginal
Culture
Human beings can be described as culture-building species. Culture appearingly
presents to society what memories present for individuals (Triandis, 1994, 1).
Already the ancient Chinese Confucian and Legalist philosopher Xun Kuang said:
`Humans cannot function without social groups which cannot exist without the
shared guidance or rules li (i.e., customary ruless of living or norms of conduct) or yi
(i.e., a combination of rightousness, faithfulness, fairness, justice, or morality.'
(quoted in Lee, McCauley, Draguns (eds.), 1999, 6).
Culture of a particular race refers to their beliefs, customs and lifestyle. Broadly
speaking culture is spiritual. It is a possibility for people to answer existential
questions, like: Who am I? Where do I belong? What is my purpose in life? And
What happens when I die? If this is case, as it is in Aboriginal society, culture would
then need to be described as a subjective culture which refers to the `psychological
and mental aspects of the human-made environment.' (ibid., 5).
Australian Aborigines
5
Culture is also a celebration of beliefs and usually (if not always) includes rites of
passage from one stage of life to another. For the Australian Aborigines each day is a
celebration of their Dreamtime beliefs. This involves beliefs about spiritual links to
the ancestors who they believed created their land, the animals and plants. It also
involves the process of initiation. During this process, boys become accustomed to
the history and customs of the tribe and how to gather food in desert areas. Its
purpose is also to make the growing young men independent from their mothers.
Initiation could be circumscribed with Aboriginal education.
Culture is also stories and songs, which are very important to Australian Aborigines.
These stories and songs, after all Aborigines do not have a written language, contain
all their information about creation, the relationship between mankind and nature and
are the the source of their tribal laws. Until 1788, the Aborigines of Australia lived
and celebrated a culture basically unchanged for thousands of years. Each tribe had
their own beliefs their own songs and stories until colonization. Australian
Aborigines have a very highly sophisticated system of beliefs. Unfortunately, it took
a very long time for non-Aboriginal individuals to understand this and to become
aware of the fact that their culture offers a vast amount of information.
1.2.1 Dreamtime
The concept of the Dreamtime was first understood by Spencer and Gillen (1997)
when they recorded information about the beliefs and practices of the Aranda tribe of
Central Australia. Before Spencer and Gillen, Dreamtime stories were often
misinterpreted, mostly because of the lack of understanding. Scientists interviewing
Australian Aborigines, were not competent neither in the Aboriginal tongue, nor
were they familiar with Aboriginal culture and beliefs and Aborigines, on the other
hand, were not fluent in English. Another reason, which lead to misinterpretations is
the fact that the Aboriginal people used words that were so far unknown in the
English language and therefore had no equivalent. So words and concepts were either
Australian Aborigines
6
omitted from the stories or misinterpretations were added. In sum, the real sense or
the meaning of the sories was quite frequently inaccurate. Spencer and Gillen's
investigations led them to identifying the word Alcheringa which proved to be a
belief about a creative period in the past where their ancestors lived (1997, 745).
They interpreted this as the Dreamtime. Other tribes had their own particular words
for these concepts.
According to Berndt C.H., Berndt R.M. (1989 and 1992), traditional Aborigines
based their life on the precedents that were identified in the myths and in doing so,
strived to maintain the status quo, in other words to perpetuate and continue the
never ending Dreamtime. The Dreamtime has been described as a
`mythical era regarded as setting a precedent for all human behaviour from that
time on. It was a period when patterns of living were established and laws laid
down for human beings to follow. This was the past, the sacred past; but it was
not the past in the sense of something that was over and done with.' (Berndt,
1992, 230)
The Dreamtime was and is living mythology. Dreamtime stories are often subject to
false judgement, since they appear to be superstitious.
`Aboriginal mythology [...] was and is, like a huge mirror that reflected
sometimes dimly, sometimes in an exaggerated way, sometimes
phantasmagorically what was familiar to them, something they expected to see
and something that they could identify. [...] Much of Aboriginal mythology
focused on conflict situations, and on providing explanations of how social and
natural phenomenon came about.' (Berndt, 1989, 4)
Traditional Aborigines believe that long ago, spirits, like the Rainbow Serpent or the
Fertility Mother, which are common mythical charters to all Aborigines, made
journeys across what was a voidless waste creating the land, waterways, the sky
above an all it contained. Wherever they rested, they left the spirits of living
creatures behind them. Then at some indeterminable time, the spirits disappeared.
Some were believed to have gone in the sky above, others were considered to live
Australian Aborigines
7
across the land in caves, waterholes and other secret places. These beliefs were
universal among all tribes, although each tribe had their own particular Dreamtime
creation stories. This strong belief in spiritual creators seems to be the reason why
Aborigines are such a peaceful people. Surely, there have been quarrels and disputes
at the borderline of their tribes, but there never were any wars between them because
of land. Even if one tribe had defeated an opponent, they would never actually
occupy the conquered land, since this would mean having to live in a land that had
been formed and was still occupied by strange, unknown and undoubtedly hostile
spirits. So what reason was there in wars? For this, Aborigines are far too
superstitious and this, fortunately, leaves us today with a whole range of different
languages.
1.2.2 Family
The family was a self sufficient economic unit and labor was rigidly divided by sex.
The women gathered grain, roots, berries, grubs, and other small insects, prepared
the meals, and carried the eating utensils. The men hunted game and located water.
Much of the people's life was spent moving around seeking food and water.
A man could have more than one wife. His first wife was usually much older and a
widow. A second wife might be a very young girl betrothed to him at his
circumcision
2
. These arrangements helped to festify relationships between families
and groups. When a visitor came to a camp, a man might `lend' his wife in order to
show hospitality, and the woman was expected to comply.
Several groups of families made up a tribe, which occupied a given area and claimed
hunting rights in that area. The tribe had a common language and ranged in size from
100 to 1,500 people. There were no chiefs or rulers, only elders who enforced the
social and religious rules.
2
NOTE: Circumcision was widely practised as a ritual of initiation. This was done as a badge of
full manhood and was believed to make men resemble Dreamtime beings.
Australian Aborigines
8
1.2.3 Death
Death was always a time of sorrow and supernatural fear among Aboriginal people.
Wailing or crying was a common occurrence among the mourners who often painted
their bodies with pipe clay, red ochre, or charcoal when a relative or friend died.
Some wore a head covering made of feathers. Others beat their bodies with sticks or
clubs, or cut themselves with shells or stone knives to cause bleeding. In these
instances the period of sorrow or mourning, was considered to be at an end when
their wounds were healed. Sitting beside a grave involved ensuring that the deceased
person's spirit had gone to the 'sky camp' or to its spirit-place. Obviously it is
impossible to say 'how' they knew or considered when this happened. However after
the mourning period was completed, a deceased person's name was never mentioned
again. This often involved inventing new words for totems and was based on their
superstitious beliefs in a personal spirit and ghosts. Death and birth were mysteries
involving supernatural beings.
1.3 Language
Discussions have been going on for years concerning the kind of criteria that should
be regarded for an appropriate classification of the term `language.' The Random
House Dictionary provides us with the following definition of language:
`1. A body of words and the system for their use common to a people who are of
the same community or nation, the same geographical area or the same cultural
tradition ... 3. the system of linguistic signs or symbols considered in the abstract
(as opposed to speech). 4. any set or system of such symbols as used in a more or
less uniform fashion by a number of people, who are thus enabled to
communicate intelligibly with one another.[...] 13. a nation or people considered
in terms of their speech...[...] LANGUAGE, DIALECT, JARGON,
VERNACULAR refer to patterns of vocabulary, syntax, and usage characteristic
of communities of various sizes and types. LANGUAGE is applied to the general
pattern of a people or race: the English language. DIALECT is applied to certain
forms or varieties of a language, often those that provincial communities or
Australian Aborigines
9
special groups retain (or develop) even after a standard has been established...'
(Random House, 1987, 1081)
This would be one possibility for defining the term `language.' But there are also
some criteria in use that are unfortunately quite ambiguous:
1.3.1 Structural
Similarity
Structural similarity can only tell apart very different languages. Nobody would
doubt that Japanese and German are dissimilar languages. But what about the
Scandinavian languages? Although Danish, Norwegian and Swedish are structurally
quite close and most speakers are able to understand each other and are able to read
the other's language quite well, each undoubtedly is a language of its own.
Before the 1990s (from 1919 on) Serbo-Croat was called a language with Serbian
and Croatian being two dialects of it. Now they are declared in law to be two
different languages. So the criterion of structural similarity is not of much help when
one tries to differentiate between two languages.
1.3.2 Mutual
Intelligibility
Mutual intelligibility might also be used as a criterion for defining language.
Unfortunately it is far form being unambiguous. Let us take, for example, four
Aboriginal tribes which live in Northern Australia:
The Unmatjera (A), the Kaitish (B), the Warramunga (C) and the Tjinchli tribe (C).
Although they can all be considered as being Aruntas, they do not necessarily
understand each other.Tribe A (Unmatjera) understands tribe B (Kaitish), who in turn
understands C (Warramunga), who understands D (Tjinchli). But neither is tribe A
able to communicate directly with C, nor is B able to communicate directly with D.
Does this necessarily mean that A (B) speaks a different language than C (D)? Or
Australian Aborigines
10
might it just be that A (B) speaks some variety (like a distinct dialect) of a language
which C (D) do not understand? After all, the four tribes mentioned still belong to
the family of the Arunta tribes. Concerning understanding, how well do speakers
have to understand each other? Is semi-communication enough (Haugen, 1966, 102),
or must the understanding be complete? Do speakers of a same language understand
each other fully during any given conversation? Skutnabb-Kangas refers to this
phenomenon as a continuum of `dialects', `where those people whose villages are
physically close to each other have learned to understand each other.' (Skutnabb-
Kangas, 2000, 9). Is oral understanding enough, or does one need to understand
writing?
1.3.3 Standardization
Standardization is another suggested criterion. Standardization is only possible after
a dialect has been reduced to writing and only standardized dialects are languages,
everything else is a dialect, a vernacular or a patois, for instance. According to Peter
Trudgill, languages are `independent, standardized varieties ... with, as it were, a life
of their own.' (Trudgill, 1983, 16). Who is in need of standardized written forms? In
the first place the powerful. These were in past times the king, the church and the
merchants in order to set up treaties, contracts, laws, etc. and those were the only
ones who were able to enforce their choices. So another, maybe even the main,
criterion (Skutnabb-Kangas, 2000, 15) for whether something is a variety of a
language or a separate language is the political power of the speakers of that
language/ dialect. To sum up, the question what can be called a language is not
anymore a question solely for linguists but also one for politicians. Thus a political
definition could sound like:
Australian Aborigines
11
`A language is a dialect (or a vernacular or a patois [...])
with an army (and a navy)
or
A language is a dialect with state borders
or
A language is a dialect promoted by elites.'
(ibid., 15).
1.4
Aboriginal languages of Australia
By the time of 1770, when James Cook first set foot on the Australian continent,
about 250-300 distinct languages were spoken by the indigenous population. There
were roughly 600 tribes with an average of 500 members each. Assuming that each
language would have a number of dialects, for it was often the case that clans within
one tribe spoke different dialects, the total number of named varieties would run to
many hundreds. It is estimated, that the continent had a total population of around
300,000 Aborigines. This number is generally accepted. However, Butlin (1983)
points out, that the devastating effects of introduced diseases, as they are known to
have raged on other continents due to their `discoverers', are not taken into regard.
His suggestions of the total population runs to a number of nearly one million
natives.
Nowadays, many of these indigenous languages are under threat. The contributing
factors will be discussed later on. Only the fewest of them died out because of a
natural decease of the last speakers.
`In other instances the languages are dying `by inches': the essential link between
generations of speakers has been broken [...] and now the language is losing not
only its grammatical complexity and lexical richness but also its full range of
functions in social interaction.' (Romaine, 1991, 30)
Australian Aborigines
12
About 160 languages have become extinct over the last 200 years. Of the languages
remaining, 90 are spoken in small communities of less than 50 individuals, or are in
use only among older speakers. These languages could be considered as weak or
dying languages. This leaves us with just 20 languages existing in viable
environments.
Dixon (1980) provides us with a map of Australia, indicating the distribution of 155
Aboriginal languages:
Map 1 Approximate location of Aboriginal languages (Dixon, 1980)
Key:
A single number is used for each language; the location of dialects is shown only for
Margany, Wemba-Wemba and Western Desert.
Adnyamadhanda 128
Alawa 100
Alyawarra 84
Andegerebina 83
Anguthirmri 5
Anindilyakwa 105
Animatjera 85
Araban 132
Aranda 82
Arandic sbgp. 82-6
Atampaya 3
Awabakal 49
Awngthim 5
Baagandij 72
Balyku 150
Australian Aborigines
13
Banjalang 42
Banyima 150
Baraba-Baraba 68d
Bardi 140
Barimna Gutinhma 14
Bidyara 40c
Biri 39
Biyaygirri 33
Bunaba 71
Bungandij 71
Burarra 109
Burduna 151
Daly River sbgp. 119
Darkinyung 50
Dhalandi 141
Dharawal 52
Dharuk 51
Dhuduroa 59
Dhurga 55
Dhuwala Dhuwal 107
Diyari 129
Djapu 107
Dyjaru 138
Djiega 278c 108
Djingili 97
Dyirbal 30
Dyirringany 56
Eastern Torres Straits
Language
2
Gabi 38
Gadang 48
Gamilaraay 61
Garadyari
Garawa 93
Gariyarra 148
Girramay
Gog-Nar 24
Gugada 133i
Gugu-Badhun 32
Gugu-Wara 21
Gugu-Yalanji 22
Gulnay 30
Gumbaynggir 45
Gunbalang 115
Gundungura 53
Gunggari 40d
Gunggay 29
Gungoragone 112
Gunibidji 111
Gunwinygu 114
Gunwinygu subgp. 113-15
Gunya 40b
Gupapuynu 107
Gurrama 147
Gureng-Gureng 37
Gurindji 137
Guugu Yimidhirr 23
Guwa 81
Guwamu 40e
Jab Wurrung 68e
Jabugay 28
Jaitmathang 59
Jaja Wurrung 68f
Jirrbal 30
Kaititji 86
Kala Lagaw Langgus 1
Kalkatungu 89
Kermain 74
Kitja 127
Koko-Bera 19
Kolijon 69
Kukatji 26
Kuku-Thaypan 18
Kunggari 80
K
rn 72
Kurtjar 25
Kuuku Ya'u 9
Kuurn Kopan Noot 70
Lama-Lama 17
Lardil 95
Linnigithigh 7
Luritja 113
Madhi-Madhi 68b
Malak-Malak 120
Malyangapa 78
Mamu 30
Mangala 142
Mangarayi 99
Mantjiltjara 133c
Mara 101
Maranunggu 121
Margany 40a
Maric subgp. 32, 36, 40, 81
Maung 116
Mbabaram 27
Mbara 31
Mbiywom 8
Mpalitjanh 4
Mudbura 137
Muk-Thang 60
Murawari 41
Murrinh-Patha 121
Nakara 110
Ngaanyatjara 133e
Ngajan 30
Ngaliwuru 123
Ngamini 131
Ngandi 103
Nganyaywana 46
Ngarigo 54
Ngarla 145
Ngarluma 148
Ngarndji 98
Ngawun 35
Ngayarda subgp. 145-50
Ngayawung 76
Ngiyambaa 63
Nhanda 15
Nuhwala 149
North Kimberley subgp.
124-5
Northern Paman subgp. 3-8
Ntra'ngith 5
Nunggubuyu 104
Nyamal 146
Nyanganyatjara 133j
Nyangatyatjara 133h
Nyangumarda 144
Nyawaygi 34
Nyigina 141
Nyungal 22
Nyungar 155
Olgolo 20
Oykangand 16
Pallanganmiddang 58
Peek Whurrong 70
Pintupi 133d
Pitjan(tja)tjara 133f
Pitta-Pitta 87
Rembarrnga 113
Rithar
u 106
Tanganekald 77
Thargari 152
Thawa 57
Tiwi 118
Tyeraity 119
Umbuygamu 13
Umpila 9
Ungarinyin 125
Uradhi 3
Waga 39
Wagaman 22
Wakoora 22
Walmatjari 139
Wambaya 92
Wangkumara 79
Wari 30
Warlmanpa 136
Warlpiri 135
Warluwarra 90
Warndarang 102
Warnman 134
Australian Aborigines
14
Warragamay 33
Warumungu 91
Warungu 32
Wathawurrung 67
Wemba-Wemba 68a
Wergaia 68c
Western Desert 133
Western T.S. language 1
Wik-Me'nh 12
Wik-Muminh 11
Wik-Munkan 10
Wiradhuri 62
Worora 124
Wuywurrung 66
Yabula-Yabula 64
Yadhaykenu 3
Yalarnnga 88
Yandruwanhtha 130
Yuyu 75
Yanyuwa 69
Yaralde 77
Yawuru (Yauor) 141
Yaygir 44
Yidiny 29
Yinggarda 153
Yinwum 6
Yinyjibarnrdi 147
Yir-Yoront 15
Yitha-Yitha 73
Yiwaja 117
Yol
u subgp. 106-8
Yota-Yota 65
Yugambal 43
Yukulta 94
Yulbarija 133b
Yuwaaliyaay 61
1.4.1 Language
names
The names for Australian tribes, and hence the names for forms of speech vary in
interesting, perplexing, and mostly confusing ways in Aboriginal Australia. Often
numerous named varieties exist for one specific tribe/ language. This is one reason,
why it is fairly difficult to present an accurate number of extinct languages, of
languages being in the process of dying out and of languages still in use. The lingua
france for the area around Port Keats on the west coast of the Northern Territory, for
instance, is Murrinh-Patha (no. 121) and it consists of three dialects: Murrinh-Kura,
Murrinh-Diminin, and Murrinh-Patha. However, a number of other languages are in
use Marri-Ngarr, Marri-Djabin, Magiti-Ge and Djamindjung. The challenge for the
investigator is to determine which of these are simply alternates and which are
clearly distinct forms of speech. This is not only true for tribal and language names,
but also for individuals. In the region of Alice Springs the dominant language is
Aranda (no. 82). If a native, living west of Alice Springs is asked what he calls
himself, he may say he is an Aranda, referring to the tribe; or he may answer, he is a
Larapinta man, Larapinta being the name of the river by side of which he lives; or he
may respond, he is a Waingakama man, using the native name for his camp.
However, if an Alice Springs native is questioned what he would call the same
person, he may resond, that he is a Antikerinia, which could be translated with
`belonging to the south-west.'
Australian Aborigines
15
1.4.2 Relations with languages outside Australia
Speculations concerning relations with Aboriginal languages and others have been
going on for decades. The proposals range from connections with Malayo-Polynesian
and Papuan languages to connections with African or Dravidian languages. Although
there are similarities in morphology, phonology and syntax, which could be taken as
a hint for a common origin, the languages do not withstand a careful investigation.
Surely does a connection with Papua New Guinea seem quite likely given its
proximity to the Australian continent, but this too proves to be groundless. Maybe
links could be established, if there were any written records, but unfortunately the
Aborinial people did not see the necessity to capture their history and beliefs in
books. The only languages that obviously had some influence on the Aboriginal
languages seem to be Austronesian languages from Indonesia. Indonesian traders
were regular visitiors to the north shores of Australia from the end of the seventeenth
century staying there for longer periods of time. In some Aboriginal languages of
north-east Arnhem land a sizeable stock of Austronesian vocabulary can be found.
1.4.3 Grammatical
characteristics
Australian Aboriginal languages vary a good deal in the principles they use for the
formation of sentences. One of the simplest type to describe, due to its regularity, is
the Pitta-Pitta language (no. 87). It belongs to the Pama-Nyungan family of
languages, but is unfortunately almost extinct today. Languages of relatively simple
structure are common in Queensland, whereas complicated languages like Ngarinyin
are rather found through the Kimberleys and in northern Australia. In other parts of
Australia one typically finds languages between these extremes.
As written above the Pitta-Pitta language is, because of its regularity, rather easy to
learn. It uses different suffixes as indicators for subject, verb and object:
Australian Aborigines
16
The suffix lu refers to a subject (in transitive sentences only).
The suffix na refers to an object.
The suffix yu refers to a verb (present time); the suffix ka refers to a verb
(past time).
Hence the word order could be changed deliberately without any change of meaning.
However, there still was one dominating word order: subject-object-verb. For
example:
Transitive sentences (past and present tense):
English:
`The old man killed the fish.'
Pitta-Pitta: `kupakupalu pitika kupina'
or (S-O-V): `kupakupalu kupina pitika'
English:
`The fly
is biting
the old man.'
Pitta-Pitta: `mukilu patyaya kupakupana'
or (S-O-V): `mukilu kupakupana patyaya'
Intransitive sentences (past tense only):
English:
`The old man laughed.'
Pitta-Pitta: `kupakupa wiyaka'
Note that the suffix lu appears only in transitive sentences as an indicator for the
subject.
Adjectives are also determined through suffixes. The normal position of the
adjective is after the noun, but again, it does not necessarily have to be put there.
English:
`The spider
ate
the big ant.'
Pitta-Pitta: `kupulu tatiyka titana wimana'
Australian Aborigines
17
Or:
English:
`The big spider
ate
the ant.'
Pitta-Pitta: `kupulu wimalu tatiyka titana'
Prepositions also appear in the form of suffixes:
English:
`The father
went
from the camp
to Mt. Isa.'
Pitta-Pitta: `yapirilu karntaka ngurrainya
Mt.Isainu'
A consistent difference between Aboriginal and European languages exists in the use
of pronouns. The English personal pronouns always refer to one person or to one
person and an additional number, which is not exactly defined. In Aboriginal
languages a further distinction is made. The personal pronouns might be singular, or
dual, i.e. one person and another, or plural, i.e. one person and several others. The
following example refers to the Warunga language, which can be found in north-east
Queensland:
Table 1
Personal pronouns in Warungu
English
Warungu
I ngaya
you yinta
Singular
he, she or it
nyula
we two
ngali
you two
yupala
Dual
they two
pula
we ngana
you yura
Plural
they tyana
Australian Aborigines
18
These are some examples concerning grammatical characteristics of Aboriginal
languages. The total range of grammatical types found in Australia is approximately
the same that can be found in Europe. However, they vary superficially in
complexity.
1.5 Aboriginal
English
Aboriginal English usually refers to a range of English language varieties used by
Australian Aborigines, which is neither identical with Standard Australian English,
nor a Creole, but which shows some traits of both. Although the number of speakers
of Standard Australian English is increasing steadily, the number of speakers using
Aboriginal English as a first or second language is quite impressive. Studies have
only started "recently", since up to the late sixties these speech varieties were
generally lumped together under labels of `pidgin', `jargon', `perverted', `corrupt',
disjointed' or `broken English' (Romaine, 1991, 67). However, it was then
recognized, that these linguistic varieties are also worth of studies and that there
exists a wealth of information.
1.5.1 Structural properties of Aboriginal English
The task of listing different features of Aboriginal English is not an easy one. Which
features of the language are worth mentioning and moreover characteristic? The
speech varieties existing at both ends of the continuum should not be too
problematic. At the one end are the varieties mainly, but not exclusively, spoken in
urban areas influenced to a great extent by Standard Australian English. At the other
end are the varieties spoken by Aborigines in rural areas where Creoles are still
dominant. But what about the varieties existing in between (in an idealised
continuum)? One is not confronted with a single continuum, but with `a whole host
of continua, such as geographically based continua, town dweller/ camp dweller
continua, sociolectal continua, second-language interlanguage continua, development
Details
- Seiten
- Erscheinungsform
- Originalausgabe
- Jahr
- 2000
- ISBN (eBook)
- 9783832460457
- ISBN (Paperback)
- 9783838660455
- Dateigröße
- 1.3 MB
- Sprache
- Englisch
- Institution / Hochschule
- Universität Koblenz-Landau – unbekannt
- Note
- 2,0
- Schlagworte
- policy diversity speech maintenance vitality
